Market Forces

No jobs in economic modeling

Co-authored with Nat Keohane.

Last week Nat Keohane and I tried to shed some light on the inner workings of economic models when it comes to jobs. Among other more specific statements around climate policy, we also said that,

many macroeconomic models don’t actually attempt to model jobs. In fact, they generally assume full employment no matter what happens, which doesn’t leave any room for estimating increases or decreases in jobs as a result of specific policies.

We should have been clearer here. If you think of employment as “total units of labor employed, given equilibrium wages and household labor-supply decisions,” then yes macroeconomic models do model employment—just as they model the equilibrium values of other inputs and outputs in the economy.

That’s just not how you or I think about jobs, and that has some major implications.

Economic modeling versus the real world

Computable general equilibrium models of the economy literally assume full employment in the sense that everyone who wants to work works.

When we think about unemployment in the real world, it is due to the fact that people actually lose their jobs. More technically, there are market frictions that keep wages high in recessions. As a result, demand for workers goes down.

Not so in the world of general equilibrium economic models. There, wages rise and fall with the fate of the economy. In a recession, wages fall and people simply choose to work less. The technical term is the household “labor-leisure tradeoff.” People work less because they supply less labor to the economy.

Most people, of course, would argue that when wages fall you have to work more to make up the gap.  That intuition can’t be true in an economic equilibrium, which is what the models are trying to capture; hence the discrepancy between models and the real world.

Not all models are created equal

So how then do economic modelers estimate employment impacts?

First, not all models are of the “general equilibrium” type that have the full-employment assumption built into them.  For example, the Department of Energy’s Energy Information Administration relies on a macroeconomic model called National Energy Modeling System (NEMS), which has a different structure.  Partly as a result, the NEMS model does produce employment estimates.

Second, you sometimes see even general equilibrium models being used to derive numbers on jobs.  In those cases, however, the jobs impacts are computed after the fact: the modelers take the estimated effects on output and then back out employment impacts using rather arbitrary rules of thumb that assume a high degree of friction in labor markets even over long periods of time, often decades.  This is problematic, to say the least, because it goes directly against the grain of the underlying models used to produce those results.

The Peterson Institute study mentioned in our last post, which uses the NEMS model, is in the first camp.  It is also among the first to take a more realistic look at the jobs impacts of climate policy given the current recession.  Not surprisingly, it comes up with a very different answer on the jobs question.

Also posted in Cap and Trade / Leave a comment

There they go again, again

Steve Cochran, head of EDF’s climate and air program, debunks economic scare tactics used against the highly successful acid rain program in the Clean Air Act Amendments of 1990. First in a series:

There they go again. Economic meltdown. Higher consumer costs. Massive job losses. These are among the predictions of doom surrounding EPA’s current and forthcoming round of clean air protections. If they sound familiar, they should. Time and again, from the enactment of the Clean Air Act in 1970 to today, prophets of doom have predicted that disastrous consequences would flow from cleaning the air we all breathe. And time and again, those dire predictions have been wrong. The Clean Air Act has protected American health and our environment for decades while our economy has grown. It is a legislative success story that continues today.

This series will examine what the naysayers have said about Clean Air Act protections and how those wild predictions compare to the statute’s actual record of protecting Americans from toxic air pollution and its devastating effects on human health and the environment. We start with the acid rain program in the Clean Air Act Amendments of 1990.

Read the full post on EDF’s Climate411 blog.

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Jobs, jobs, jobs

Co-authored with Nat Keohane.

Marc Gunther lists ten reasons why “Cancun can’t.” We won’t go into his other nine points here, but number three on the list hit home:

Environmentalists have been disingenuous about the climate issue. They’ve argued that regulation of carbon dioxide will create green jobs and grow the economy. Typical is this graphic from Environmental Defense. (“Get a step-by-step picture of how a carbon cap will spark new jobs, lift the economy and clean the air.”) Uh, no. Most economists agree that dealing with global warming will entail short term costs. (See Eric Pooley’s excellent analysis at Slate.)

Talking about jobs is one of the most difficult things to do well in the arena of climate policy. The jobs issue is highly politically charged—and for good reason, given the state of the economy. But it struck us as unfair for Marc to use EDF as his bête noire.

To begin with, the graphic that Marc links to doesn’t make the claim he ascribes to it. We weren’t saying that climate policy was a free lunch. What we were pointing out was that doing something about climate can also create good jobs in some unexpected places. More on that in a minute.

We have bent over backwards to be as balanced and rigorous as possible in our assessment of the economics of climate change.

This turns out to be perfectly illustrated by Eric Pooley’s analysis—the same one Marc links to.

Eric’s indeed excellent analysis makes two points:

First, there is a broad consensus that the cost of climate inaction would greatly exceed the cost of climate action.

That’s the main, often-forgotten point because it seems so obvious: “it’s cheaper to act than not to act.”

We should really stop here and reflect on that for a second. Many—if not most—economists do, in fact, agree on that statement and have for a while.

But that’s not our point here, either. Read More »

Also posted in 1000 words, Cap and Trade, International / 1 Response

What’s the matter with Arkansas?

Midwestern states have traditionally been reluctant to embrace cap and trade. Now it looks like they may well turn into some of the larger beneficiaries of the California cap-and-trade system.

The largest supplier of likely carbon offsets for the California program so far? Arkansas.

Midwestern suppliers

States of origin for CAR credits

Besides California and New York, numbers 2 and 3 on the list, none of the other states currently have cap-and-trade systems in place.

Michael Wara has a terrific blog post on this phenomenon and the ensuing politics of cap and trade. [Update: New graphs and data. The story doesn’t change. The graphs are prettier, though.]

Of the four types of offsets initially allowed in California (landfills, livestock, conservation forestry, and domestic ozone depleting substances), Midwestern states are the main beneficiaries.

Not CDM

How will that change the politics?

The Clean Development Mechanism (CDM), the UN-brokered international offsets system has perverse incentives. It motivates companies supplying large amounts of CDM credits (and receiving billions of dollars in return) to lobby their governments against instituting stricter domestic policies and having cap-and-trade systems on their own, lest they lose their chance of selling exactly those CDM credits. That’s one of the many reasons why the CDM system ought to be radically reformed.

What makes all the difference here is that CDM credits originate mainly from industrial and energy sectors that ought to be part of domestic cap-and-trade systems in the first place. California’s offsets are focused on sectors not covered by its own cap-and-trade system and most likely not covered directly in a US-wide emissions market.

A US-wide cap-and-trade system would only increase demand for these kinds of agricultural offsets and those from ozone depleting substances (ODS), making selling them even more attractive.

That by itself may not revolutionize federal politics, but at least the incentives are working in the right direction. Read More »

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Two proposals and a reality check

by Mikel JasoYesterday’s New York Times published three terrific op-eds worth a second thought.

Veerabhadran Ramanathan and David Victor argue that, “To Fight Climate Change, Clear the Air.” Carbon is the main climate culprit, but we can’t ignore and might as well start with tackling the other greenhouse gas pollutants.

Bruce Usher argues that, “On Global Warming, Start Small.” Not too small, mind you. Individual volunteerism won’t do. But U.S. energy policy is made in the states, and many states are making significant progress on sensible policy measures.

Jack Hedin provides “An Almanac of Extreme Weather” from his Minnesota family farm and an important wake-up call for why we are doing what we doing. In the end, “climate instability”—the extreme fluctuations around a warming climate—may prove at least as damaging as the slow but steady upward trend in temperatures.

Also posted in Climate science, International / Leave a comment

To the mattresses

Last week saw the start of a new American environmentalism on climate policy: the gloves seem to be coming off.

Our own Fred Krupp’s article in the Huffington Post on Tuesday revealed the new fighting spirit:

[W]e have well-financed enemies in this fight, and it is time to sharpen the nation’s focus on the businesses that obstruct vital progress.

Our view is that the public and the investor community need to have far greater awareness of the companies engaged in indiscriminate obstructionism. We will look for ways to hold them accountable through every reasonable lever at our disposal. We will learn to be as tough with them as they have been with us.

Looks like Al Gore took noteGodfatherHis group Repower America launched KochIndustriesFacts.com, which flags Twitter and Facebook-ready snippets on the money involved, some of the smoke and mirror tactics used (speak “front groups”), and the dirty environmental trail left by Koch Industries.

With well-funded opponents like that it is not hard to see how cap and trade got swallowed up in D.C., no matter how strong the economic arguments in favor of a well-designed carbon market were. But beware: climate change isn’t going away.

To the mattresses it is.

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